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What tendency/ideology do you best align with?

  • Anarchism

    Votes: 125 12.0%
  • Marxism

    Votes: 86 8.2%
  • Marxism-Leninism

    Votes: 79 7.6%
  • Left Communism

    Votes: 19 1.8%
  • Democratic Socialism

    Votes: 423 40.6%
  • Social Democracy

    Votes: 238 22.8%
  • Other

    Votes: 73 7.0%

  • Total voters
    1,043

Sibylus

Member
Oct 25, 2017
4,728
Many fond memories of Red Orchestra- it's probably the most intense game of its kind.

Love Company of Heroes 2 mechanically, but I haven't touched the singleplayer other than a mission or two. Have heard it trades in a lot of clichés and Hollywood staples, which is a shame given how much the units and world feel alive.
 

syndicalist

Member
Oct 25, 2017
467
Red Orchestra is a multiplayer series though, right? I was thinking more along the lines of a good single player game. Something narrative focused or systems-based that isn't completely parodic like Tropico or facile like Civ. I'll look into World at War, though!
 

Hat22

Banned
Oct 28, 2017
1,652
Canada
Red Orchestra is a multiplayer series though, right? I was thinking more along the lines of a good single player game. Something narrative focused or systems-based that isn't completely parodic like Tropico or facile like Civ. I'll look into World at War, though!

Darkest Hour has good campaigns for communist country playing. Mexican Revolution, Spanish Civil War, Russian front ww2, Chinese Civil War & Sino-Japanese war.
 
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sphagnum

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Mezentine

Member
Oct 25, 2017
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I didn't mean to come across as being sort of whataboutist in the Cenk thread about Sanders and leftism in the US, by the way. I actually do think that abolition of profit seeking rentiers, or at the very least aggressive public acquisition of rentable property with the aim of transferring profits on rent into public works, is far from unthinkable as an actual political goal. The only thing that keeps me from advocating for it more aggressively is that I admit I haven't found a satisfying framework for how we avoid the problems that historically can come along with this, but it is a bit weird to me that its not...discussed more? Floated as a possible priority? A thing on people's radar?
 

Mr.Mike

Member
Oct 25, 2017
1,677
Land Value Taxes aren't really something that gets a lot of airtime but do have support from a very broad section of the political spectrum, for different reasons of course. Kind of like UBI I guess. Theoretically a LVT to fund a UBI plan is something you could get support for from across the spectrum.
 

Kirblar

Banned
Oct 25, 2017
30,744
I've spoken at length about this elsewhere, and I'll see if I can dig up one of my old posts, but I think that some of the causality here is backwards, and specifically I think you're underselling the role voters have had in signalling who they will and won't support. There's a great piece out there that I'm trying to track down that examines how Democratic Presidential nominees changed. Specifically about how they were a party that put forth people who actively campaigned on pro-labor stances, until they became the party of civil rights as well, at which point the voting support from Democrats for pro-labor pro-civil rights candidates in the primary selection process absolutely cratered among the white working class. Maybe the reason Doug Jones is not campaigning on Medicare for All is because he thinks enough Alabama voters will actively reject that, enough to make this race even less competitive than it is now. I mean, maybe also he just doesn't believe in it, I don't know the guy, but I think it will be a strategic error if we think that a full throated DemSoc platform is going to energize "the people" everywhere.

Again I think broadly the DSAs work to get people into state legislatures, into city councils, and yes into congress if we see an opening we think we can win, all of that is actually the way to go about normalizing DemSoc ideas and getting them into the conversation in a way that they haven't been before. But that normalization process is important because of how many people will actively reject them otherwise. And in the meantime there are going to be races that we only stand a chance of winning if we run the Doug Jones' of the world

Or, to put it more succinctly, if we do manage to get Medicare for All or something like it to a floor vote, we have a chance of pressuring a Doug Jones into voting for it. We'll never get a Roy Moore to
Here's the piece I think you wanted: https://agenda-blog.com/2017/07/03/...beralism-and-the-white-working-class/#more-42
 

pigeon

Member
Oct 25, 2017
5,447
I didn't mean to come across as being sort of whataboutist in the Cenk thread about Sanders and leftism in the US, by the way. I actually do think that abolition of profit seeking rentiers, or at the very least aggressive public acquisition of rentable property with the aim of transferring profits on rent into public works, is far from unthinkable as an actual political goal. The only thing that keeps me from advocating for it more aggressively is that I admit I haven't found a satisfying framework for how we avoid the problems that historically can come along with this, but it is a bit weird to me that its not...discussed more? Floated as a possible priority? A thing on people's radar?

Most of 20th century American history can be understood as an effort to avoid this very occurrence.

I actually don't think there are any major historical problems with increasing publicly owned wealth. There are some problems with fascist personality cults but it turns out you can have those and libertarianism at the same time.
 
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House_Of_Lightning

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I actually don't think there are any major historical problems with increasing publicly owned wealth. There are some problems with fascist personality cults but it turns out you can have those and libertarianism at the same time.


The issue is competing in a zero sum economy and the various power structures that all have their own subjective idea on how that economy and Capital is best managed.
 

anthro

Member
Oct 28, 2017
420
Doug Hennwood, who is generally just a great financial reporter, wrote a really good and approachable piece about bitcoin: https://www.jacobinmag.com/2017/12/bitcoin-price-crypto-currency-explainer

Good article. I've noted some leftists who support bitcoin, though they seem few, out of a misplaced suspicion of central banking and fiat money. I'm not sure if this is derivative of the 2008 financial crises or what seems to be the crossover between an earlier, youthful libertarianism that morphed into leftism.
 

lmcfigs

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Oct 25, 2017
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House_Of_Lightning

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That article is similar to every other Trot interpretation. No acknowledgement that Stalinism wasn't Socialism. They can't acknowledge that it isn't Socialism because of the similarities between the two: that of Social Democracy implementation.

it immediately posed the question for the workers to fight for a political revolution, to kick out the Stalinist bureaucrats. With the introduction of genuine workers' ownership, control and management over industry and the establishment of a regime of workers' democracy. In this way, the international socialist revolution would once more continue on the lines of 1917.

The workers' demands expressed the general mood. Despite what some of the contemporary bourgeois propagandists would like to imply, there was not a trace of the demand to return to capitalism.

A political revolution, the exchange for one illegitimate bureaucracy for another. The article itself states that the worker's were fine with bureaucratic control as long as the Stalinist bureaucracy got it's rent seeking behavior under control.

The workers' demands expressed the general mood. Despite what some of the contemporary bourgeois propagandists would like to imply, there was not a trace of the demand to return to capitalism. The workers were challenging not the basic premises of the planned economy, but on the contrary, the privilege and power of the Stalinist corrupt bureaucracy over it. Among the demands were for the officials to be elected and receive no more than an average workers' wage, and for those bureaucrats responsible for the economic crisis to be removed from their positions.

Wages, bourgeois voting rituals, better management of the economy, a professional political "class"... Tenets of Bourgeois Capitalism. The economic framework of Poland under centralization and Stalinism isn't much different than the economic framework of today. Ultimately, if there was no Capitalism to return to, then why did the worker's movement in Poland result in full Capitalist "restoration"?

There was no social character or social revolution to the Polish revolution or the East German or Hungarian uprising. They were acts by the workers to rid themselves of redundant and outdated Stalinist bureaucracy. While this would definitely be a step needed to advance towards a Socialist program, it in itself is neither Socialist or Otherwise.

The article does depict the expression of natural democracy but does not acknowledge it.

This was met with an outrage by the workers, and the Gdańsk shipyard halted production on the Monday morning. The strike spread to other industries, and the anger culminated at a mass protest in the city centre. By late afternoon, the workers were joined by groups of students, and the first confrontations with the police occured.
 

anthro

Member
Oct 28, 2017
420
How is it misplaced? Such a concentration of power deserves suspicion.

Well, I'd agree concentrated power deserves suspicion, but in the context of bitcoin as a solution, just taking it as a question of "does bitcoin solve concentration of power" (financial, monetary?) I think it is one of the most counter intuitive approaches for a leftist to take in attacking the banking system. As it is right now, the federal reserve system and money markets are controlled by the federal government. The Fed can be somewhat distant from our democratic process, meant to be somewhat insulated from the Treasury so it doesn't spend frivolously, which are all issues of course. But in practice the Treasury can always fulfill its budget in concert with the Fed, and so our fiscal policy is decided "democratically". Furthermore, the Fed in concert with the Treasury controls the money supply to meet fiscal policy with monetary policy for a macroeconomic strategy. This means that the Treasury and Fed can always act to the benefit of the public trust "democratically".

If bitcoin were to, through an unlikely act of political will, become a lawful payment for any debts and taxes in the United States, this would render the power over the United States fiscal policy directly into the hands of any of the largest bitcoin holders who also happen to be interested in serving as creditors to the government. As long as the United States runs a defecit in that scenario (which is likely), they'd be in a position similar to developing countries under the thumb of the IMF, or unfortunate Eurozone countries like Greece forced into austerity to prove their credit worthiness. As it is right now, the Treasury can always pay debts in dollars that it effectively can issue at will through the Fed. It can't print bitcoins, and so bitcoin creditors could tell the Treasury that if it doesn't want to default it has to cut pesky public education spending, public pensions, public salaries, maybe we have been too eager to maintain our infrastructure at the expense of our interest payments, maybe our workers haven't had high enough bitcoin taxes, etc.

Which is where "misplaced" comes in. I don't think it is bad to be suspicious of the central bank exactly. But in the context of bitcoin as a solution it is strange to spite bank power and simultaneously want to remove a significant amount of what little democratic control we have over the market.
 

Mezentine

Member
Oct 25, 2017
9,978
How is it misplaced? Such a concentration of power deserves suspicion.
As I alluded to before, one of the biggest dangers of decentralization though is that it makes it much easier for bad actors to obfuscate their activity. This is reasonably true for currency from what we've seen and what we are seeing, and its why I'm not enthusiastic about decentralization of all power structures as a cure-all
 

House_Of_Lightning

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And ultimately it is a finite resource. Capitalism doesn't care how value is expressed, it only requires value. Finally, with bitcoin being a finite resource, it can and will be concentrated and monopolized as Capital because that's what Capitalism does.

"It is concentration of capitals already formed, destruction of their individual independence, expropriation of capitalist by capitalist, transformation of many small into few large capitals.... Capital grows in one place to a huge mass in a single hand, because it has in another place been lost by many.... The battle of competition is fought by cheapening of commodities. The cheapness of commodities demands, caeteris paribus, on the productiveness of labour, and this again on the scale of production. Therefore, the larger capitals beat the smaller. It will further be remembered that, with the development of the capitalist mode of production, there is an increase in the minimum amount of individual capital necessary to carry on a business under its normal conditions. The smaller capitals, therefore, crowd into spheres of production which Modern Industry has only sporadically or incompletely got hold of. Here competition rages.... It always ends in the ruin of many small capitalists, whose capitals partly pass into the hands of their conquerors, partly vanish."
 
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That article is similar to every other Trot interpretation. No acknowledgement that Stalinism wasn't Socialism. They can't acknowledge that it isn't Socialism because of the similarities between the two: that of Social Democracy implementation.

Isn't it a tenet of Trotskyist belief in the "degenerated/deformed workers' states" that it's not actually socialist but some kind of weird transitional mishmash?
 

House_Of_Lightning

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Isn't it a tenet of Trotskyist belief in the "degenerated/deformed workers' states" that it's not actually socialist but some kind of weird transitional mishmash?


Yes, but a "transitional" society is still either a capitalist/socialist society. But ultimately, "Stalinism" is just Social Democracy aka Welfarism but with an "unelected" bureaucracy. Trotskyism has no qualms with the State Capitalist nature of Stalinism, only the unelected nature of the bureaucracy.
 
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Yes, but a "transitional" society is still either a capitalist/socialist society. But ultimately, "Stalinism" is just Social Democracy aka Welfarism but with an "unelected" bureaucracy. Trotskyism has no qualms with the State Capitalist nature of Stalinism, only the unelected nature of the bureaucracy.

I suppose that's true!

Anyway, while committing revolutionary sabotage/being lazy at work I stumbled upon these two articles that I found interesting. The first is basically just a break down of Marxist thougt about value/exchange value/use value which I think could be helpful for people who might find reading through Marx to be a slog. Nothing really needs to be quoted from here, but I did like how this part lays out very obviously why Marx was fixated on value so much, which can otherwise be boring:

But there is an even more important reason why Marx doesn't choose scarcity and utility as the determinants of this underlying value. Utility and scarcity both describe the relation between individuals and objects. Marx is interested in the relations between people. If we think back to Marx's argument about commodity fetishism we will remember that in a capitalist society the relations between people take the form of relations between things. Objects appear to have power and value, on their own. But this wold of appearance is not the full story. These value relations between commodities are actually relations between people whose work is coordinated indirectly through commodity exchange.

And this is where any social theory must begin: with a study of the productive activity of people as they work to create the world they live in. Not only is this the best starting place for an analysis of society, it is also the best starting point for a radical social theory whose aim is to investigate the possibility of changing the world. If we realize that human society is not the result of some natural or divine eternal logic but merely the creation of our own labor then that means that we have the power to mold and shape that society as we see fit. In a capitalist society these creative powers take the form of an external world of value and capital that acts back upon society, shaping it against the will of its creators. Yet, in the end the world of capital is nothing but the product of our own creation. If we truly want to change the world it is not up to nature, God, fate or experts, but up to us. This is the radical challenge of the law of value.

https://libcom.org/library/use-value-exchange-value-value

The other one was a brief criticism of marginalize, though I actually think the point raised in the first half about marginalize potentially being useful for attack from the left is more interesting than the rest, which is sort of standard anti-marginalism, so I'll just quote that part here

In her excellent book Economic Philosophy (available as a PDF here) Joan Robinson undertakes an extensive discussion of marginal utility theory. Here I will be more so interested in her technical criticisms. But before going into these it should be noted that Robinson characterises the impetus of marginal utility theory in a way many might find unusual.

Basically, she claims that it is a revolutionary leftist doctrine. The reason she makes this claim is because if we apply the law of diminishing returns to income it soon becomes clear that radical egalitarianism — indeed, some sort of socialism or communism — is the best manner in which to maximise the utility of society as a whole. Robinson points out that the early marginalists — many of whom, like Walras, were socialists — recognised this full well. She quotes Alfred Marshall in this regard,

Next we must take account of the fact that a stronger incentive will be required to induce a person to pay a given price for anything if he is poor than if he is rich. A shilling is the measure of less pleasure, or satisfaction of any kind, to a rich man than to a poor one. A rich man in doubt whether to spend a shilling on a single cigar, is weighing against one another smaller pleasures than a poor man, who is doubting whether to spend a shilling on a supply of tobacco that will last him for a month. The clerk with £100 a-year will walk to business in a much heavier rain than the clerk with £300 a-year; for the cost of a ride by tram or omnibus measures a greater benefit to the poorer man than to the richer. If the poorer man spends the money, he will suffer more from the want of it afterwards than the richer would. The benefit that is measured in the poorer man's mind by the cost is greater than that measured by it in the richer man's mind. (pp52-53)

She also points out that Wicksell — another socialist — considered marginalist economics to be a "thoroughly revolutionary program". I think Robinson is correct. Marginalist doctrines fit market socialist or market communist societies better than they do capitalist ones. That today's marginalist economists think otherwise is merely indicative of their extreme lack of imagination: there are no Marshalls or Wicksells among today's oh-so vapid marginalists.

For this reason Robinson's criticisms of marginalism should not be read as being politically motivated. Indeed, criticisms of marginalism should be insulated from all politics. The simple fact is that marginalism is wrong not because it leads to right-wing politics — this simply isn't true — but because it is a logical mess.

...

http://www.fixingtheeconomists.word...robinsons-critique-of-marginal-utility-theory

One thing I've never been entirely clear on: do marginalists get that Marx isn't referring to price and value as the same thing? When I've read marginalist critiques of LTV it often seems like some of the big problems they have with it (and I certainly don't think it's perfect) stem from this misunderstanding. Maybe that's just a more vulgar kind of marginalist critique.
 

Mezentine

Member
Oct 25, 2017
9,978
I suppose that's true!

Anyway, while committing revolutionary sabotage/being lazy at work I stumbled upon these two articles that I found interesting. The first is basically just a break down of Marxist thougt about value/exchange value/use value which I think could be helpful for people who might find reading through Marx to be a slog. Nothing really needs to be quoted from here, but I did like how this part lays out very obviously why Marx was fixated on value so much, which can otherwise be boring:



https://libcom.org/library/use-value-exchange-value-value
So this piece accidentally, I think, actually makes a decent case for why I dislike the specific, utter-classic Marx Labor Theory of Value. That excerpt you posted especially. The first half of the piece, examining the relationships between use value and exchange value, is a great primer on those basics, and I do not disagree with the importance of labor in value. But also the labor theory of value does read as something that was crafted backwards, from an objective of establishing the ultimate primacy of labor for a political end.
I actually think that it may be a factor in how many people bounce off of Capital in the first couple of chapters, because the LTV seems so out of alignment with the actual experience almost everyone has making exchanges, and allows you to construct absurd hypotheticals such as two fishermen (okay okay two groups of fishermen, two villages of fishermen, whatever group size is required to produce useful averages) who invest equal time in catching equal loads of fish that are therefore equally valuable even if one load of fish is foul tasting. And I'm not talking about price here, you describe this scenario to anyone and unless they've been specifically primed with the LTV no-one will find "equal value" in both hauls

Marx tries to dodge around this a bit by clarifying that he's only talking about "useful" labor but the idea that labor falls cleanly into two buckets of useful and useless is, well, ridiculous on its face. Useful to whom? Everyone? It exists on a scale, and as soon as you acknowledge that then you've introduced our old friend use value back in as a major part of the equation
And what I find frustrating is that I don't think you actually need any of this in order for the most scathing early argument of Capital, that all capitalist-labor relations are fundamentally and intrinsically based on siphoning off excess value, to work.

Also, I sort of get what they're saying here, but if you tilt your head this really reads as a weird argument against specialization of labor and in favor of tiny labor-ecosystems
As long as production is production to produce values instead of uses we will have to deal with the social antagonisms that spring from this contradiction: The logic of profit will dominate over society rather than the logic of usefulness. And the nature of work will be to maximize profit at all cost rather than to maximize the quality of the experience of work or of the life of the worker.
 
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Mezentine

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Oct 25, 2017
9,978
http://www.fixingtheeconomists.word...robinsons-critique-of-marginal-utility-theory

One thing I've never been entirely clear on: do marginalists get that Marx isn't referring to price and value as the same thing? When I've read marginalist critiques of LTV it often seems like some of the big problems they have with it (and I certainly don't think it's perfect) stem from this misunderstanding. Maybe that's just a more vulgar kind of marginalist critique.
I don't have a ton to say about this, other than that I would be curious to know what economic model (either) author does feel meets their standards for practical analytic utility. This is not really a defense of marginal value as some theory of truth, so much as it is a lack of exposure to evidence that models like the LTV themselves can "be applied to empirical material" in a way that yields more useful results than marginal value analysis currently does
 
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sphagnum

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But also the labor theory of value does read as something that was crafted backwards, from an objective of establishing the ultimate primacy of labor for a political end.

I don't think that's the case though. The LTV in non-Marxist forms had already been around long before Marx. He didn't create that idea that value came from labor, he just tried to explain how it functioned under capitalism and what the effects of that were.

And what I find frustrating is that I don't think you actually need any of this in order for the most scathing early argument of Capital, that all capitalist-labor relations are fundamentally and intrinsically based on siphoning off excess value, to work.

I think Marx would disagree, since he would say surplus value can only exist in the first place because labor creates value!
 

Mezentine

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Oct 25, 2017
9,978
I think Marx would disagree, since he would say surplus value can only exist in the first place because labor creates value!
I don't...really think it does. It just requires market value (although any comprehensive analysis that just depends on market value is woefully inadequate, of course). Capital owners just need to both know (or act with the confidence of knowledge) the market value of labor product and also successfully obfuscate that value from their workers so as to make it difficult to understand how much surplus is actual profit surplus. If you consider a fast food worker, they have no idea what portion of the surplus revenue beyond their wage is spent on maintenance of capital resources and purchase of necessary commodities, and therefore "fair", (buying and repairing machines, paying electric bills, buying hamburgers and french fries daily, etc) and how much is passed on to their employer as profit.

This obfuscation is maintained because the barriers to capital acquisition (and the dangers of risk taking due to restricted access to housing, food and healthcare) mean that almost no-one can just quit and open a hamburger stand themselves and learn the actual market value of their hamburger-making labor
 
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I don't...really think it does. It just requires market value (although any comprehensive analysis that just depends on market value is woefully inadequate, of course). Capital owners just need to both know (or act with the confidence of knowledge) the market value of labor product and also successfully obfuscate that value from their workers so as to make it difficult to understand how much surplus is actual profit surplus. If you consider a fast food worker, they have no idea what portion of the surplus revenue beyond their wage is spent on maintenance of capital resources and purchase of necessary commodities, and therefore "fair", (buying and repairing machines, paying electric bills, buying hamburgers and french fries daily, etc) and how much is passed on to their employer as profit.

This obfuscation is maintained because the barriers to capital acquisition (and the dangers of risk taking due to restricted access to housing, food and healthcare) mean that almost no-one can just quit and open a hamburger stand themselves and learn the actual market value of their hamburger-making labor

Right, but again we're talking about prices and specific costs here when Marx doesn't equate price with value. That's the big issue that leads to the transformation problem. Marx would be insistent that none of those other things arise without labor creating "value" in the commodity in the first place. I really think we need a better word for the Marxist concept of value though since it's both a.) very opaque and b.) easily confused with exchange value.
 

Mezentine

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Oct 25, 2017
9,978
Right, but again we're talking about prices and specific costs here when Marx doesn't equate price with value. That's the big issue that leads to the transformation problem. Marx would be insistent that none of those other things arise without labor creating "value" in the commodity in the first place. I really think we need a better word for the Marxist concept of value though since it's both a.) very opaque and b.) easily confused with exchange value.
I think there is a problem that the labor value described doesn't really map to how anyone uses the word value either conceptually or practically, and I think that that's why I find the original LTV in Capital to be sort of politically manipulative; because he is trying to imbue this concept into the pre-existing notion of value in order to make a point about labor that I don't think I entirely agree with and that I think isn't as rigorous as other parts of his own work. Again, the moment you distinguish between "useful" and "useless" labor so as to avoid fallacies like "shoveling dirt from one side of a field to another creates value" then you're implicitly acknowledging that the value of different forms of labor is highly contextual and I just don't think that this is actually a problem of how one converts "pure" labor value into heterogeneous market values

Or, to put it more simply I guess, even if we avoid capitalistic market systems I don't know how how we avoid the problem of transformation being tied so fundamentally to labor to the point where its very difficult to find utility in pulling them apart unless literally all commodities are post scarcity or every person/family unit is a self sufficient unit for all needs. I don't see where the pre-transformation LTV maps onto a thing people are likely to be able to experience, even under communism.

EDIT: And like, I'm trying not to seem like I'm ideologically against this model because I'm reasonably certain that I'm not (although I may be) but I feel like I can trace lines of influence from this through to some of the ways in which socialism and communism have struggled to find genuine implementations over the last century and a half
 
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House_Of_Lightning

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Never read the former, but the latter is rooted in Gramsci/Marcuse/Frankfurt School and, as a supposed Marxist work, is flawed.
 
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EDIT: And like, I'm trying not to seem like I'm ideologically against this model because I'm reasonably certain that I'm not (although I may be) but I feel like I can trace lines of influence from this through to some of the ways in which socialism and communism have struggled to find genuine implementations over the last century and a half

Oh, I wouldn't say it's just lines so much as channels. Every theory needs to be critiqued and I don't think Marx himself would be happy with people who cling dogmatically to everything he said since his own ideas evolved over time.
 
Dec 18, 2017
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What is the Socialist position on Universal Basic Income? Is there one?

I have read through a few Leftist sites and it seems like people writing articles disagreed with Basic Income. One calling it "fundamentally right wing and reactionary".

What do you think of Basic Income?
 
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What is the Socialist position on Universal Basic Income? Is there one?

I have read through a few Leftist sites and it seems like people writing articles disagreed with Basic Income. One calling it "fundamentally right wing and reactionary".

What do you think of Basic Income?

You have to understand that the reason socialists may be apprehensive about UBI is because of the way it is being pitched, which is basically a replacement for welfare programs within the confines of a capitalist socio-economic system. The capitalist class still retains control of the means of production, but they strike the compromise of doling out a basic income to everyone else so that they do not starve once automation has superseded human labor and thus they are able to buy products that keep the capitalists' businesses going. At the same time we would likely see a push from the right to do away with XYZ programs because "Why do we need these when we are already giving people free money?!"

UBI as part of a strong welfare state is a necessity for a well functioning liberal state to continue in the future. But the liberal state is an impediment to socialist democracy anyway, and socialists seek in the end not just redistribute wealth held by the rich but to completely change the foundation of how our society and economy function by democratizing control over the means of production. Cut out the middle man, give power to the people, and let them distribute the wealth they create as they see fit.
 

Deleted member 721

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My view. Thats reformism and assistencialism, thats not the end goal, but it's good to have while we live in capitalism i think.
 

Mezentine

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It is maybe the perfect example of the problem we face where we have to balance the very real material benefits, including lives it will both save and change, against the real possibility that it is "enough" for many people to continue to tolerate exploitation.

Or: the alternative to reformism often feels like accelerationism. And while I have my opinions about that (accelerationism has a bad track record historically) I understand why reforming existing systems will ultimately be insufficient.

I just don't know how we get from here to there
 
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House_Of_Lightning

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I don't have a problem with the struggles within the Capitalist frame work.

I have a problem when people try and make reformist Capitalism the same thing as Socialism.

I doubt a UBI has meaningful positive change or any change one way or the other for the conditions of the working class.