i was thinking this while playing Cod WWII and I would love to see a ww2 fps based in the eastern front.
Red Orchestra is a multiplayer series though, right? I was thinking more along the lines of a good single player game. Something narrative focused or systems-based that isn't completely parodic like Tropico or facile like Civ. I'll look into World at War, though!
Well yeah, I do have an interest in finding what we can do with current structures of power.Youre talking about taxes and public expenditure not anything radical.
Here's the piece I think you wanted: https://agenda-blog.com/2017/07/03/...beralism-and-the-white-working-class/#more-42I've spoken at length about this elsewhere, and I'll see if I can dig up one of my old posts, but I think that some of the causality here is backwards, and specifically I think you're underselling the role voters have had in signalling who they will and won't support. There's a great piece out there that I'm trying to track down that examines how Democratic Presidential nominees changed. Specifically about how they were a party that put forth people who actively campaigned on pro-labor stances, until they became the party of civil rights as well, at which point the voting support from Democrats for pro-labor pro-civil rights candidates in the primary selection process absolutely cratered among the white working class. Maybe the reason Doug Jones is not campaigning on Medicare for All is because he thinks enough Alabama voters will actively reject that, enough to make this race even less competitive than it is now. I mean, maybe also he just doesn't believe in it, I don't know the guy, but I think it will be a strategic error if we think that a full throated DemSoc platform is going to energize "the people" everywhere.
Again I think broadly the DSAs work to get people into state legislatures, into city councils, and yes into congress if we see an opening we think we can win, all of that is actually the way to go about normalizing DemSoc ideas and getting them into the conversation in a way that they haven't been before. But that normalization process is important because of how many people will actively reject them otherwise. And in the meantime there are going to be races that we only stand a chance of winning if we run the Doug Jones' of the world
Or, to put it more succinctly, if we do manage to get Medicare for All or something like it to a floor vote, we have a chance of pressuring a Doug Jones into voting for it. We'll never get a Roy Moore to
Here's the piece I think you wanted: https://agenda-blog.com/2017/07/03/...beralism-and-the-white-working-class/#more-42
It takes it seriously in the way you take a shooting target seriously :-)Sorry but this article uses the term neoliberal seriously and therefore must be nonsense.
teehee
I didn't mean to come across as being sort of whataboutist in the Cenk thread about Sanders and leftism in the US, by the way. I actually do think that abolition of profit seeking rentiers, or at the very least aggressive public acquisition of rentable property with the aim of transferring profits on rent into public works, is far from unthinkable as an actual political goal. The only thing that keeps me from advocating for it more aggressively is that I admit I haven't found a satisfying framework for how we avoid the problems that historically can come along with this, but it is a bit weird to me that its not...discussed more? Floated as a possible priority? A thing on people's radar?
I'm going to kick myself when someone says what that craft is... Salyut? (I was the biggest space nerd as a lil gal)
I'm going to kick myself when someone says what that craft is... Salyut? (I was the biggest space nerd as a lil gal)
Is Canto Bight the marxist propaganda we need to indoctrinate the youth to our cause?
I actually don't think there are any major historical problems with increasing publicly owned wealth. There are some problems with fascist personality cults but it turns out you can have those and libertarianism at the same time.
Doug Hennwood, who is generally just a great financial reporter, wrote a really good and approachable piece about bitcoin: https://www.jacobinmag.com/2017/12/bitcoin-price-crypto-currency-explainer
Good article. I've noted some leftists who support bitcoin, though they seem few, out of a misplaced suspicion of central banking and fiat money.
Doug Hennwood and the Robert Prechter (in a really long article I can't find right now) basically explain why. It's been a right wing project for a long time, and when we did have decentralized currencies in the free banking era, it was a complete disaster.How is it misplaced? Such a concentration of power deserves suspicion.
it immediately posed the question for the workers to fight for a political revolution, to kick out the Stalinist bureaucrats. With the introduction of genuine workers' ownership, control and management over industry and the establishment of a regime of workers' democracy. In this way, the international socialist revolution would once more continue on the lines of 1917.
The workers' demands expressed the general mood. Despite what some of the contemporary bourgeois propagandists would like to imply, there was not a trace of the demand to return to capitalism.
The workers' demands expressed the general mood. Despite what some of the contemporary bourgeois propagandists would like to imply, there was not a trace of the demand to return to capitalism. The workers were challenging not the basic premises of the planned economy, but on the contrary, the privilege and power of the Stalinist corrupt bureaucracy over it. Among the demands were for the officials to be elected and receive no more than an average workers' wage, and for those bureaucrats responsible for the economic crisis to be removed from their positions.
This was met with an outrage by the workers, and the Gdańsk shipyard halted production on the Monday morning. The strike spread to other industries, and the anger culminated at a mass protest in the city centre. By late afternoon, the workers were joined by groups of students, and the first confrontations with the police occured.
How is it misplaced? Such a concentration of power deserves suspicion.
As I alluded to before, one of the biggest dangers of decentralization though is that it makes it much easier for bad actors to obfuscate their activity. This is reasonably true for currency from what we've seen and what we are seeing, and its why I'm not enthusiastic about decentralization of all power structures as a cure-allHow is it misplaced? Such a concentration of power deserves suspicion.
"It is concentration of capitals already formed, destruction of their individual independence, expropriation of capitalist by capitalist, transformation of many small into few large capitals.... Capital grows in one place to a huge mass in a single hand, because it has in another place been lost by many.... The battle of competition is fought by cheapening of commodities. The cheapness of commodities demands, caeteris paribus, on the productiveness of labour, and this again on the scale of production. Therefore, the larger capitals beat the smaller. It will further be remembered that, with the development of the capitalist mode of production, there is an increase in the minimum amount of individual capital necessary to carry on a business under its normal conditions. The smaller capitals, therefore, crowd into spheres of production which Modern Industry has only sporadically or incompletely got hold of. Here competition rages.... It always ends in the ruin of many small capitalists, whose capitals partly pass into the hands of their conquerors, partly vanish."
That article is similar to every other Trot interpretation. No acknowledgement that Stalinism wasn't Socialism. They can't acknowledge that it isn't Socialism because of the similarities between the two: that of Social Democracy implementation.
Isn't it a tenet of Trotskyist belief in the "degenerated/deformed workers' states" that it's not actually socialist but some kind of weird transitional mishmash?
Yes, but a "transitional" society is still either a capitalist/socialist society. But ultimately, "Stalinism" is just Social Democracy aka Welfarism but with an "unelected" bureaucracy. Trotskyism has no qualms with the State Capitalist nature of Stalinism, only the unelected nature of the bureaucracy.
But there is an even more important reason why Marx doesn't choose scarcity and utility as the determinants of this underlying value. Utility and scarcity both describe the relation between individuals and objects. Marx is interested in the relations between people. If we think back to Marx's argument about commodity fetishism we will remember that in a capitalist society the relations between people take the form of relations between things. Objects appear to have power and value, on their own. But this wold of appearance is not the full story. These value relations between commodities are actually relations between people whose work is coordinated indirectly through commodity exchange.
And this is where any social theory must begin: with a study of the productive activity of people as they work to create the world they live in. Not only is this the best starting place for an analysis of society, it is also the best starting point for a radical social theory whose aim is to investigate the possibility of changing the world. If we realize that human society is not the result of some natural or divine eternal logic but merely the creation of our own labor then that means that we have the power to mold and shape that society as we see fit. In a capitalist society these creative powers take the form of an external world of value and capital that acts back upon society, shaping it against the will of its creators. Yet, in the end the world of capital is nothing but the product of our own creation. If we truly want to change the world it is not up to nature, God, fate or experts, but up to us. This is the radical challenge of the law of value.
In her excellent book Economic Philosophy (available as a PDF here) Joan Robinson undertakes an extensive discussion of marginal utility theory. Here I will be more so interested in her technical criticisms. But before going into these it should be noted that Robinson characterises the impetus of marginal utility theory in a way many might find unusual.
Basically, she claims that it is a revolutionary leftist doctrine. The reason she makes this claim is because if we apply the law of diminishing returns to income it soon becomes clear that radical egalitarianism — indeed, some sort of socialism or communism — is the best manner in which to maximise the utility of society as a whole. Robinson points out that the early marginalists — many of whom, like Walras, were socialists — recognised this full well. She quotes Alfred Marshall in this regard,
Next we must take account of the fact that a stronger incentive will be required to induce a person to pay a given price for anything if he is poor than if he is rich. A shilling is the measure of less pleasure, or satisfaction of any kind, to a rich man than to a poor one. A rich man in doubt whether to spend a shilling on a single cigar, is weighing against one another smaller pleasures than a poor man, who is doubting whether to spend a shilling on a supply of tobacco that will last him for a month. The clerk with £100 a-year will walk to business in a much heavier rain than the clerk with £300 a-year; for the cost of a ride by tram or omnibus measures a greater benefit to the poorer man than to the richer. If the poorer man spends the money, he will suffer more from the want of it afterwards than the richer would. The benefit that is measured in the poorer man's mind by the cost is greater than that measured by it in the richer man's mind. (pp52-53)
She also points out that Wicksell — another socialist — considered marginalist economics to be a "thoroughly revolutionary program". I think Robinson is correct. Marginalist doctrines fit market socialist or market communist societies better than they do capitalist ones. That today's marginalist economists think otherwise is merely indicative of their extreme lack of imagination: there are no Marshalls or Wicksells among today's oh-so vapid marginalists.
For this reason Robinson's criticisms of marginalism should not be read as being politically motivated. Indeed, criticisms of marginalism should be insulated from all politics. The simple fact is that marginalism is wrong not because it leads to right-wing politics — this simply isn't true — but because it is a logical mess.
...
So this piece accidentally, I think, actually makes a decent case for why I dislike the specific, utter-classic Marx Labor Theory of Value. That excerpt you posted especially. The first half of the piece, examining the relationships between use value and exchange value, is a great primer on those basics, and I do not disagree with the importance of labor in value. But also the labor theory of value does read as something that was crafted backwards, from an objective of establishing the ultimate primacy of labor for a political end.I suppose that's true!
Anyway, while committing revolutionary sabotage/being lazy at work I stumbled upon these two articles that I found interesting. The first is basically just a break down of Marxist thougt about value/exchange value/use value which I think could be helpful for people who might find reading through Marx to be a slog. Nothing really needs to be quoted from here, but I did like how this part lays out very obviously why Marx was fixated on value so much, which can otherwise be boring:
https://libcom.org/library/use-value-exchange-value-value
As long as production is production to produce values instead of uses we will have to deal with the social antagonisms that spring from this contradiction: The logic of profit will dominate over society rather than the logic of usefulness. And the nature of work will be to maximize profit at all cost rather than to maximize the quality of the experience of work or of the life of the worker.
I don't have a ton to say about this, other than that I would be curious to know what economic model (either) author does feel meets their standards for practical analytic utility. This is not really a defense of marginal value as some theory of truth, so much as it is a lack of exposure to evidence that models like the LTV themselves can "be applied to empirical material" in a way that yields more useful results than marginal value analysis currently doeshttp://www.fixingtheeconomists.word...robinsons-critique-of-marginal-utility-theory
One thing I've never been entirely clear on: do marginalists get that Marx isn't referring to price and value as the same thing? When I've read marginalist critiques of LTV it often seems like some of the big problems they have with it (and I certainly don't think it's perfect) stem from this misunderstanding. Maybe that's just a more vulgar kind of marginalist critique.
But also the labor theory of value does read as something that was crafted backwards, from an objective of establishing the ultimate primacy of labor for a political end.
And what I find frustrating is that I don't think you actually need any of this in order for the most scathing early argument of Capital, that all capitalist-labor relations are fundamentally and intrinsically based on siphoning off excess value, to work.
I don't...really think it does. It just requires market value (although any comprehensive analysis that just depends on market value is woefully inadequate, of course). Capital owners just need to both know (or act with the confidence of knowledge) the market value of labor product and also successfully obfuscate that value from their workers so as to make it difficult to understand how much surplus is actual profit surplus. If you consider a fast food worker, they have no idea what portion of the surplus revenue beyond their wage is spent on maintenance of capital resources and purchase of necessary commodities, and therefore "fair", (buying and repairing machines, paying electric bills, buying hamburgers and french fries daily, etc) and how much is passed on to their employer as profit.I think Marx would disagree, since he would say surplus value can only exist in the first place because labor creates value!
I don't...really think it does. It just requires market value (although any comprehensive analysis that just depends on market value is woefully inadequate, of course). Capital owners just need to both know (or act with the confidence of knowledge) the market value of labor product and also successfully obfuscate that value from their workers so as to make it difficult to understand how much surplus is actual profit surplus. If you consider a fast food worker, they have no idea what portion of the surplus revenue beyond their wage is spent on maintenance of capital resources and purchase of necessary commodities, and therefore "fair", (buying and repairing machines, paying electric bills, buying hamburgers and french fries daily, etc) and how much is passed on to their employer as profit.
This obfuscation is maintained because the barriers to capital acquisition (and the dangers of risk taking due to restricted access to housing, food and healthcare) mean that almost no-one can just quit and open a hamburger stand themselves and learn the actual market value of their hamburger-making labor
I think there is a problem that the labor value described doesn't really map to how anyone uses the word value either conceptually or practically, and I think that that's why I find the original LTV in Capital to be sort of politically manipulative; because he is trying to imbue this concept into the pre-existing notion of value in order to make a point about labor that I don't think I entirely agree with and that I think isn't as rigorous as other parts of his own work. Again, the moment you distinguish between "useful" and "useless" labor so as to avoid fallacies like "shoveling dirt from one side of a field to another creates value" then you're implicitly acknowledging that the value of different forms of labor is highly contextual and I just don't think that this is actually a problem of how one converts "pure" labor value into heterogeneous market valuesRight, but again we're talking about prices and specific costs here when Marx doesn't equate price with value. That's the big issue that leads to the transformation problem. Marx would be insistent that none of those other things arise without labor creating "value" in the commodity in the first place. I really think we need a better word for the Marxist concept of value though since it's both a.) very opaque and b.) easily confused with exchange value.
EDIT: And like, I'm trying not to seem like I'm ideologically against this model because I'm reasonably certain that I'm not (although I may be) but I feel like I can trace lines of influence from this through to some of the ways in which socialism and communism have struggled to find genuine implementations over the last century and a half
What is the Socialist position on Universal Basic Income? Is there one?
I have read through a few Leftist sites and it seems like people writing articles disagreed with Basic Income. One calling it "fundamentally right wing and reactionary".
What do you think of Basic Income?
This is my view also.My view. Thats reformism and assistencialism, thats not the end goal, but it's good to have while we live in capitalism i think.
What is the Socialist position on Universal Basic Income? Is there one?
I have read through a few Leftist sites and it seems like people writing articles disagreed with Basic Income. One calling it "fundamentally right wing and reactionary".
What do you think of Basic Income?