- Mar 15, 2019
yeah, basically the same happened in Brazil 9 years earlier. bless y'all mis hermanos chilenos
Or remember that time when we supported Pol Pot in exile in his attempt to retake power? Good times.southeast asia is up there too. even ignoring vietnam (lol) we did shit like assisting the right-wing government of indonesia in its mass killings targeting communists, ethnic minorities, and organized labor. a million people were murdered in just a couple of years.
Human rights violations in Pinochet's ChileThe Caravan of Death (Spanish: Caravana de la Muerte) was a Chilean Army death squad that, following the Chilean coup of 1973, flew by helicopters from south to north of Chile between September 30 and October 22, 1973. During this foray, members of the squad ordered or personally carried out the execution of at least 75 individuals held in Army custody in certain garrisons. According to the NGO Memoria y Justicia, the squad killed 97 people: 26 in the South and 71 in the North
General Joaquin Lagos explained why he didn't return the bodies of the 14 executed prisoners of Antofagasta to their families:
On October 19, 1973, General Joaquin Lagos, commander of the Army 1st Division and zone chief in State of Siege, designated as governor of the Province of Antofagasta after the coup, presented his resignation to Pinochet.I was ashamed to see them. They were torn into pieces. So I wanted to put them together, at least leave them in a human form. Yes, their eyes were gouged out with knives, their jaws broken, their legs broken ... At the end they gave them the coup de grace. They were merciless. "[...] "The prisoners were killed so that they would die slowly. In other words, sometimes they were shot them by parts. First, the legs, then the sexual organs, then the heart.
Operation CondorPinochet's regime carried out many gruesome and horrific acts of sexual abuse against the victims. In fact, several detention sites were solely instituted for the purpose of sexually tormenting and humiliating the prisoners. Discothèque (Venda Sexy) was another one of DINA's main secret detention centers. Many of those who "disappeared" were initially held in this prison. The prison guards often raped both men and women. It was at this prison where internal repression operations were centralized. Militants anally raped male prisoners, while insulting them, in an attempt to embarrass them to their core.
Women were the primary targets of gruesome acts of sexual abuse. According to the Valech Commission, almost every single female prisoner was a victim of repeated rape. Not only would military men rape women, they would also use foreign objects and even animals to inflict more pain and suffering. Women (and occasionally men) reported that spiders and live rats were often implanted on their genitals. One woman testified that she had been "raped and sexually assaulted with trained dogs and with live rats." She was forced to have sex with her father and brother—who were also detained.
Operation Condor (Spanish: Operación Cóndor, also known as Plan Cóndor; Portuguese: Operação Condor) was a United States–backed campaign of political repression and state terror involving intelligence operations and assassination of opponents, officially and formally implemented in November 1975 by the right-wing dictatorships of the Southern Cone of South America.
The program, nominally intended to eradicate communist or Soviet influence and ideas, was created to suppress active or potential opposition movements against the participating governments' neoliberal economic policies, which sought to reverse the economic policies of the previous era.
Victims included dissidents and leftists, union and peasant leaders, priests and nuns, students and teachers, intellectuals and suspected guerillas. Although it was described by the CIA as "a cooperative effort by the intelligence/security services of several South American countries to combat terrorism and subversion," guerrillas were used as an excuse, as they were never substantial enough to control territory, gain material support by any foreign power, or otherwise threaten national security. Condor's key members were the governments in Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia and Brazil. Ecuador and Peru later joined the operation in more peripheral roles.
The United States government provided planning, coordinating, training on torture, technical support and supplied military aid to the Juntas during the Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, and the Reagan administrations. Such support was frequently routed through the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
The Cold War Spreads Around the World
As the nation shifted to a dependence on nuclear arms, the Eisenhower adminis- tration began to rely heavily on the recently formed Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for information. The CIA used spies to gather information abroad. The CIA also began to carry out covert, or secret, operations to weaken or over- throw governments unfriendly to the United States.
In 1954, the CIA also took covert actions in Guatemala, a Central American country just south of Mexico. Eisenhower believed that Guatemala’s government had Communist sympathies because it had given more than 200,000 acres of American-owned land to peasants. In response, the CIA trained an army, which invaded Guatemala. The Guatemalan army refused to defend the president, and he resigned. The army’s leader then became dictator of the country.
Well, that sounds EZ.
Wow. But also just the fact that Americans use the word 'interventions' is so revealing about how white-washing the language of their foreign policy is.
Yeah, it's totally brushed under the rug. Interesting contrast with the atrocities committed by the USSR in its sphere of influence in Eastern and Central Europe- those are taught. People here are desperate to keep the lie alive that capitalism has some kind of moral high ground above socialism.
I’m not an expert but we’ve been spoon fed propaganda of America being that greatest nation and savior, and so many people still believe that America is some sacred place that can act as judge jury and executionerseems like plenty of americans still want to do the same shit over and over again even in 2019. Afghanistan, Iraq (twice), Syria, Libya, AFRICOM's vast network of military bases in Africa, North Korea, Cuba, Venezuela, Brazil, Haiti, drone striking the shit out of Pakistan and Yemen. Even the rhetoric against China and Russia is straight out of the Cold War. And that is across party lines, so when it comes to foreign policy, democrats and republicans are the same.
Look how many Americans are in favor of "military intervention" and "freeing the people" as soon as the "bad guys" need to be taken care of and Americans think they are the arbiter of another sovereign nation and its peoples.
i guess if it can't be reprogrammed (and fight a whole mass media machine that constructs the same imperialist propaganda over and over again), then it just tells me that we can't expect US democrats and liberals to be on our side against US genocidal empire, because they will be the same as Republicans when it comes to foreign policy.I’m not an expert but we’ve been spoon fed propaganda of America being that greatest nation and savior, and so many people still believe that America is some sacred place that can act as judge jury and executioner
I’m not sure how you deprogrammed that sort of stuff from the population, but yeah until people stop pushing for military intervention etc, there’s not much chance of stopping it.
That’s even before all the stuff the government does in secret.
mostly private but there's a big big part of it that's public: CODELCO, the state-owned copper mining company with revenues that make up a large, large part of our national budget.
Víctor Lidio Jara Martínez (28 September 1932 – 16 September 1973) was a Chilean teacher, theater director, poet, singer-songwriter and communist political activist tortured and killed during the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. He developed Chilean theater by directing a broad array of works, ranging from locally produced plays to world classics, as well as the experimental work of playwrights such as Ann Jellicoe. He also played a pivotal role among neo-folkloric musicians who established the Nueva Canción Chilena (New Chilean Song) movement. This led to an uprising of new sounds in popular music during the administration of President Salvador Allende.
Jara was arrested shortly after the Chilean coup of 11 September 1973, which overthrew Allende. He was tortured during interrogations and ultimately shot dead, and his body was thrown out on the street of a shantytown in Santiago. The contrast between the themes of his songs—which focused on love, peace, and social justice—and the brutal way in which he was murdered transformed Jara into a "potent symbol of struggle for human rights and justice" for those killed during the Pinochet regime.
On the morning of 12 September 1973, Jara was taken prisoner, along with thousands of others, and interned in Chile Stadium. The guards there tortured him, smashing his hands and fingers, and then mocked him by asking him to play the guitar. Soon after, he was killed with a gunshot to the head, and his body was riddled with more than 40 bullets.
The Times, on the morrow of the coup, was writing (and the words ought to be carefully memorized by people on the Left): “... whether or not the armed forces were right to do what they have done, the circumstances were such that a reasonable military man could in good faith have thought it his constitutional duty to intervene”.  Should a similar episode occur in Britain, it is a fair bet that, whoever else is inside Wembley Stadium, it won’t be the Editor of The Times: he will be busy writing editorials regretting this and that, but agreeing, however reluctantly, that, taking all circumstances into account, and notwithstanding the agonizing character of the choice, there was no alternative but for reasonable military men ... and so on and so forth.
Fun (not fun) fact, iirc Jacob Rees Moggs dad was editor of the times at that time.'Covert Action in Chile 1963-73' was the official US report of the events prior to it and an interesting read, with your pinch of salt. Amongst all the detail of how they tried to sabotage elections and then the Allende economy, it says that 'it is possible' money meant for official organisations made its way to far-right paramilitaries (p31).
Ralph Miliband had a good article on the events.
Blissful. And even when we do know that we are or contributed to the problem, we repeat the same mistakes.
This is a critical situation - to find so dangerous an enemy on our very doorstep. The American people want to know how this was permitted to happen - how the iron curtain could have advanced almost to our front yard. They want to know the truth - and I believe that they are entitled to the truth. It is not enough to blame it on unknown State Department personnel. Major policy on issues such as Cuban security is made at the highest levels - in the National Security Council and elsewhere - and it is the party in power which must accept full responsibility for this disaster.
The story of the transformation of Cuba from a friendly ally to a Communist base is - in large measure - the story of a government in Washington which lacked the imagination and compassion to understand the need of the Cuban People - which lacked the leadership and vigor to move forward to meet those needs - and which lacked the foresight and vision to see the inevitable results of its own failures.
And it is a tragic irony that even while these policies of failure here were being pursued our policy-makers received repeated and urgent warnings that International Communism was becoming a moving force behind Mr. Castro and the revolution - that our interest and the interests of freedom were in danger - that a new Soviet satellite was in the making.
But if we are not to imitate the partisan irresponsibility of others, we must do more than charge that these storm signals were ignored. The real question is: what should we have done? What did we do wrong? How did we permit the Communists to establish this foothold 90 miles away?
The answer is Four-Fold.
First, we refused to help Cuba meet its desperate need for economic progress. In 1953 the average Cuban family had an income of $6.00 a week. Fifteen to twenty per cent of the labor force was chronically unemployed.
Only a third of the homes in the island even had running water, and in the years which preceded the Castro revolution this abysmal standard of living was driven till lower as population expansion our-distanced economic growth.
Secondly, in a manner certain to antagonize the Cuban people, we used the influence of our Government to advance the interests of and increase the profits of the private American companies, which dominated the island's economy. At the beginning of 1959 United States companies owned about 40 percent of the Cuban sugar lands - almost all the cattle ranches - 90 percent of the mines and mineral concessions - 80 percent of the utilities - and practically all the oil industry - and supplied two-thirds of Cuba's imports.
Of course our private investment did much to help Cuba. But our action too often have the impression that this country was more interested in taking money from the Cuban people than in helping them build a strong and diversified economy of their own.
The third, and perhaps most disastrous of our failures, was the decision to give stature and support to one of the most bloody and repressive dictatorships in the long history of Latin American repression. Fulgencio Batista murdered 20,000 Cubans in seven years - a greater proportion of the Cuban population than the proportion of Americans who died in both World Wars, and he turned Democratic Cuba into a complete police state - destroying every individual liberty.
Yet our aid to his regime, and the ineptness of our policies, enabled Batista to invoke the name of the United States in support of his reign of terror.
Administration spokesmen publicly praised Batista - hailed him as a staunch ally and a good friend - at a time when Batista was murdering thousands, destroying the last vestiges of freedom, and stealing hundreds of millions of dollars from the Cuban people, and we failed to press for free elections.
JFK of course went on to become President and helped escalate the Vietnam War and almost threaten war with Cuba in his abbreviated time as President.Finally, while we were allowing Batista to place us on the side of Tyranny, we did nothing to persuade people of Cuba and Latin America that we wanted to be on the side of freedom in 1953 we eliminated all regular Spanish language broadcasts of the voice of America. Except for the six months of the Hungarian crisis we did not beam a single continuous program to South America at any time in the critical years between 1953 and 1960. And less than 500 students a year were brought here from all Latin America during these years when our prestige was so sharply dropping.
It is no wonder in short, that during these years of American indifference the Cuban people began to doubt the sincerity of our dedication to democracy. They began to feel that we were more interested in maintaining Batista than we were in maintaining freedom - that we were more interested in protecting our investments that we were in protecting their liberty - that we wanted to lead a Crusade against Communism abroad but not against tyranny at home. Thus it was our own policies - not Castro's - that first began to turn our former good neighbors against us. And Fidel Castro seized on this rising Anti-American feeling, and exploited it, to persuade the Cuban people that America was the enemy of democracy - until the slogan of the resolution became Cuba, Si, Yanqui, No - and the Soviet Imperialism had captured a movement which had originally sprung from the ideals of our own American Revolution.
The U.S. Army School of the Americas (SOA) was founded in 1946 and originally located at Fort Gulick in the Panama Canal Zone. The School aimed to instruct the armed forces of Latin America using training programs that were doctrinally sound and compatible with United States customs and traditions in a cost effective and militaristically professional way. From 1961 (during the Kennedy administration), the School was assigned the specific Cold War goal of teaching "anti-communist" counterinsurgency training to military personnel of Latin American countries. At the time and in those places, the label "communist" was, in the words of anthropologist Lesley Gill, "... an enormously elastic category that could accommodate almost any critic of the status quo.":10 During this period, Colombia supplied the largest number of students from any client country.
According to American historian J. Patrice McSherry, based on formerly secret CIA documents from 1976, in the 1960s and early 1970s plans were developed among international security officials at the US Army School of the Americas and the Conference of American Armies to deal with perceived threats in South America from political dissidents. A declassified CIA document dated 23 June 1976, explains that "in early 1974, security officials from Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Bolivia met in Buenos Aires to prepare coordinated actions against subversive targets."
Based on 1976 CIA documents stated that from 1960 to the early 1970s, the plans were developed among international security officials at the US Army School of the Americas and the Conference of American Armies to deal with political dissidents in South America. A declassified CIA document dated 23 June 1976, explains that "in early 1974, security officials from Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay and Bolivia met in Buenos Aires to prepare coordinated actions against subversive targets." US officials were aware of what was going on.
Additionally, as of a September 1976, the Defense Intelligence Agency reported that US intelligence services were quite aware of the infrastructure and goals of Operation Condor. They realized that "Operation Condor" was the code name given for intelligence collection on "leftists", Communists, Peronists or Marxists in the Southern Cone Area. The intelligence services were aware that it was security cooperation among several South American countries' intelligence services (such as Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Bolivia) with Chile as the epicenter of the operation. The DIA noted that Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile were already fervently conducting operations, mainly in Argentina, against leftist targets. Members of SIDE were also operating with Uruguayan military Intelligence officers in an operation carried out against the Uruguayan terrorist organization, the OPR-33. The report also noted that a large volume of U.S.currency was seized during the combined operation.
Perhaps the most intriguing aspect is the third point of the report, which demonstrates the United States' understanding of Operation Condor's more nefarious operations. The report notes, "the formation of special teams from member countries who are to carry out operations to include assassinations against terrorist or supporters of terrorist organizations." The report also highlighted the fact that these special teams were intelligence service agents rather than military personnel, however these teams did operate in structures reminiscent of U.S. special forces teams.
The US government sponsored and collaborated with DINA (Directorate of National Intelligence), as well as other intelligence organizations forming the nucleus of Condor. CIA documents show that the agency had close contact with members of the Chilean secret police, DINA, and its chief Manuel Contreras. Contreras was retained as a paid CIA contact until 1977, even as his involvement in the Letelier-Moffit assassination was being revealed.
Yeah, those people are trash. And he IS despised a lot. The vocal minority (minority as in less than 40% of the population) that praise him, as I said, are trash.
The situation might not be as bad as in Brazil, but there are still way too many Chileans who think the dictatorship "wasn't that bad" and that it wouldn't be a bad idea to return to those times. The country never finished its transition to democracy (obvious examples being the constitution still being Pinochet's, and Pinochet never getting the trial and imprisonment he deserved).
It's even more insane because this is after America has seen how our (UK) fucking around with countries lead to disaster for everyone including ourselves.Blissful. And even when we do know that we are or contributed to the problem, we repeat the same mistakes.
I always bring up this JFK speech on Cuba from when he was still senator:
REMARKS OF SENATOR JOHN F. KENNEDY AT DEMOCRATIC DINNER, CINCINNATI, OHIO, OCTOBER 6, 1960
JFK of course went on to become President and helped escalate the Vietnam War and almost threaten war with Cuba in his abbreviated time as President.
This is all shortly after we fucked up Iran's democracy too.
What is the definition of insanity?
as I said on another thread - we never had an equivalent to the Nuremberg Trials nor "denazification". We did (and do) have criminal cases against certain military members and agents that include consecutive life sentences... but those are few. Probably the highest member of the whole bloody organization to be indicted was Manuel Contreras, who was the director of the Intelligence Agency (the main repressive organization in the country during those times). Members of the Junta died before anything happened to them. Hell, Pinochet died in his fucking home, without having answered for ANYTHING he did. And no remorse, of course.
Pinochet should be treated just like Hitler.The situation might not be as bad as in Brazil, but there are still way too many Chileans who think the dictatorship "wasn't that bad" and that it wouldn't be a bad idea to return to those times. The country never finished its transition to democracy (obvious examples being the constitution still being Pinochet's, and Pinochet never getting the trial and imprisonment he deserved).
Yeah, we are fucked in so many ways. I still believe that less than 40% of Chileans see Pinochet as something good. A lot, but a minority nonetheless.as I said on another thread - we never had an equivalent to the Nuremberg Trials nor "denazification". We did (and do) have criminal cases against certain military members and agents that include consecutive life sentences... but those are few. Probably the highest member of the whole bloody organization to be indicted was Manuel Contreras, who was the director of the Intelligence Agency (the main repressive organization in the country during those times). Members of the Junta died before anything happened to them. Hell, Pinochet died in his fucking home, without having answered for ANYTHING he did. And no remorse, of course.
And the thing is... those processes are, essentially, focused on the military part of the Dictatorship. But there's a whooooole level of civilian collaborators that NEVER got ANYTHING resembling a sentence. Newspaper owners, CEOs, even designated (by the Junta!) mayors from the era - still allowed to be free citizens. Some of them are actual politicians still, to this very day. Still lurking there, flaunting their fascism, with no punishment because "FREEZE PEACH!!!11"
Our transition to democracy was a frail one, a very defective one, tbh. Many of the institutions propped up by the Dictatorship still exist, mostly unmodified.
It's an open wound.