Negative enthusiasm is a heck of a thing. A few pieces on it have come up recently and they're worth compiling together because they paint both a grim picture for the GOP's fortunes in the upcoming midterms, while also serving as a warning that the next time Dems achieve a political Trifecta, they'll likely be in the exact same position as they were in 2010.
Rachel Bitecofer from the Wason Center at CNU has an incredible piece on how who actually votes in any given election is not actually consistent year to year, and explains how modern midterm elections under Trifectas end up as referendums on the President that massively turn out people opposed to them and completely alter electoral results nationwide, in a way similar to how the Moon affects the tides.
Wacom Center post: http://wasoncenter.cnu.edu/signs-si...-democrats-will-win-big-in-the-2018-midterms/
Unspooled Twitter thread on the Millenial messaging stuff: https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1027549597340708864.html
Slate Rundown of the Millennial messaging stufff: https://slate.com/news-and-politics...-new-research-on-motivating-young-voters.html
Navigator Research polling on Trump messaging: https://navigatorresearch.org/how-to-link-republicans-in-congress-to-donald-trump/
Rachel Bitecofer from the Wason Center at CNU has an incredible piece on how who actually votes in any given election is not actually consistent year to year, and explains how modern midterm elections under Trifectas end up as referendums on the President that massively turn out people opposed to them and completely alter electoral results nationwide, in a way similar to how the Moon affects the tides.
Researchers looking into how to activate and motivate Millenial voters found that negative messages about Trump were far more likely to motivate people to vote, and worked just as well as positive messaging as those who claimed they preferred positive messaging. (A lesson from Dr. House, MD: People lie.)I’ll come back to this shortly but first I want to explain a very important, but largely ignored, fact about the American electorate. In many elections, even competitive ones, Independents are not always the decisive factor determining who wins and who loses an election. You are likely scoffing at this claim because it contradicts the way we understand elections but consider the evidence. Although Barack Obama won the majority of Independents in his 2008 presidential race (primarily because the economy was quite literally collapsing on Election Day) he did not win the majority of Independents in his 2012 reelection bid. Given the conventional wisdom of elections, such a thing should not be possible. And it’s not just that he failed to carry Independents nationally, he failed to carry Independents in critical swing states such as Ohio that he still won. In fact, Obama lost Independents in that decisive swing state by a staggering 10 points, but he still won the state because the impressive turnout operation established by the Obama campaign managed to produce an electorate that was 38% Democrat. And as I show in my unfortunately titled book The Unprecedented 2016 Presidential Election, Democrats lose Independents quite often, and in elections they win and they lose because they have a population advantage in many places and when their partisans turn out in high numbers, it trumps the combined loss of Republicans and Independents, assuming they don’t lose the latter group by wide margins.
The fortunes of the Republican and Democratic parties seems to rock back and forth every few cycles, creating the appearance of neurotic electorate that can’t quite figure out what it wants. But what we are really seeing, especially in the first midterm under a new president, is backlash from negative partisanship from voters of the party that lost the presidency looking for electoral revenge coupled with complacency from voters of the ruling party. Out of power partisans vote because fear is an excellent motivator. Especially the kind of fear that comes from seeing the opposition party enacting policies you don’t support and stacking the federal courts with judges with the “wrong” ideology.
Think about it. When we look at the impressive gains made by Republicans in the 2010 and 2014 congressional midterms, as well as the 1000+ state legislative seats they gained over the course of the Obama presidency, partisan gerrymandering only accounts for part of their electoral success. And in the case of the 2010 midterms, the current district lines that strongly advantage Republicans in many states are the product of the big gains Republicans made in state and federal elections, not the cause of it. So the electoral success of Republicans is more than a story of partisan gerrymandering, which didn’t take effect until the 2012 election. Instead, much of their electoral prowess over the past 8 years was largely driven by backlash to Obama and Republican strategists’ success at tapping into this “fear factor” by nationalizing elections. For Republicans, elections in the Obama era, both big and small, were framed as a referendum on Barack Obama and Nancy Pelosi. This brilliant messaging, combined with a complacent Democratic electorate, allowed Republicans to over perform their share of the electorate by 5 points in the 2010 midterms and 10 points in 2014 in midterms. It is negative partisanship among opposition party voters that drives the midterm effect, not movement of independent voters back and forth between the parties.
This updated theory of electoral behavior led to my successful prediction of the Blue Wave in the 2017 elections in Virginia (at the 20 minute and 32 minute marks). All told, we ran 5 surveys on the gubernatorial race between Democrat Ralph Northam and Republican Ed Gillespie over the course of the general election and they were remarkably stable, predicting that Northam would win the election handily. This worried my colleague, who had spent the past decade making a close study of the Virginia electorate because the elections in 2013 and 2014 had turned out to be far more competitive than expected. Indeed, this was a reason the national punditry herded around a close and competitive election the final week heading into Election Day. But by applying my theory of negative partisanship’s electoral effects in the polarized era, I suspected that Ralph Northam’s victory was cemented on November 9th, 2016 when Donald Trump won the presidency. Trump’s victory created a different Virginia electorate from the electorates of 2010, 2013, and 2014. Because Democrats lost the 2016 presidential election, especially considering the way they lost it and to whom, I expected a turnout surge among the Democratic portion of the electorate and this is exactly what happened. Despite predictions of a close race by other pundits, Northam ended up winning by 9%. And he did it by a surge in Democratic Party participation, not by winning over Virginia’s right-leaning Independents. In 2013, 37% of the electorate were Democrats and in 2017 that percent increased to 41%, which is enough to turn a average 2-3 point advantage for statewide Democrats into a 9 point route that also allowed Democrats to flip 15 House of Delegate seats when even the most ambitious predictions, including my own, predicted a gain of just 7 or 8 seats due to gerrymandering. The point I want to hammer home is that the determinate factor driving voter behavior in this election was negative partisanship because had Hillary Clinton won in 2016, Virginia may well be currently governed by the Gillespie Administration despite the growing demographic advantage Democrats hold among the overall population of the state and the increasing influence of Northern Virginia on statewide election outcomes.
In addition, a set of polls released yesterday by Navigator Research found that expressly stating a hypothetical Democratic candidate's opposition to Trump led to an increase in the generic ballot relative to a neutral statement.The research also found, perhaps less uniquely to the younger voters, that negative messaging in the time of Trump beats aspirational any day of the week.
Half of the sample—excluding “super voters,” the term researchers use for those young people almost certain to vote—was read an aspirational message and the other half a negative one. The former described America as the “land of the free and a place where we take care of each other, but right now, we’re not living up to what we are supposed to be as a country,” and urged the sample to “[vote] for new leaders who will bring change in November.” The latter said that things are already terrible and will get worse “if Donald Trump and his allies gain more power,” citing their “hateful, racist, and sexist attacks.”
The negative message proved twice as effective a motivator and did especially well with the younger end of the cohort (aged 18 to 27), women, and Hispanic voters. That final category, though hardly a monolith, is especially important to motivate, the research finds, because “non-whites have significantly lower intensity on caring about who controls Congress—particularly Hispanics.”
As for labeling the opposition, the researchers also tested “names for Republicans that make them sound bad.” In general, the more congressional Republicans were linked with Trump, the worse they sounded. Neither “the establishment” nor “the people in power” performed nearly as well (poorly?) as “Trump’s enablers,” “the party of Trump,” or “Trump’s allies in Congress.” And “Republicans are moving us backwards” or—this was really tested—“Republicans are fucking us over” are found to be more effective than “Republicans are stealing our future” or “Republicans are selling us out.”
So, if it works, why are people saying that it won't. And I think there's two answers for that. One is that, as Yglesias points out below, many special elections have been taking place in deep red territory where candidates have to be more tactical about what they say regarding Trump. The other is that pundits and other individuals who are actively saying "Running against Trump won't work" are almost always members of groups like the far right or left who lose massive amounts of political leverage if "Running against Trump" actually does work.As of now, Democrats have a lead of 8 points (45% to 37%) on a generic congressional ballot among likely voters. But the Democratic lead is wider (+12) when it is explicitly framed as a choice between a generic Democrat who will provide a “check and balance on Trump” and a Republican who will “help Trump pass his policies and programs.”
The Democratic lead is roughly the same (+13) – and also wider than the initial generic congressional ballot – when the framing is a Democrat who simply “opposes Trump” versus a Republican who will “support Trump”
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Wacom Center post: http://wasoncenter.cnu.edu/signs-si...-democrats-will-win-big-in-the-2018-midterms/
Unspooled Twitter thread on the Millenial messaging stuff: https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1027549597340708864.html
Slate Rundown of the Millennial messaging stufff: https://slate.com/news-and-politics...-new-research-on-motivating-young-voters.html
Navigator Research polling on Trump messaging: https://navigatorresearch.org/how-to-link-republicans-in-congress-to-donald-trump/