That story — a circular narrative built primarily around poll numbers — can be deeply misleading. A few things were clear to me after spending several days in South Bend this month and hearing from more than 15 local activists, pastors, politicians, and others — most of them people of color and many supportive of Buttigieg's presidential bid. One: The anger directed toward Buttigieg over his policies and the slow pace at which results are seen is real and visceral, if not uncommon for a city of South Bend's size. And two: Any notion that he has ignored these issues or navigated them without advice from the city's black community is incorrect.
Buttigieg's allies in South Bend's black community, quiet for months as he defended himself with data that never told the full story, are finally hitting back — in some cases almost literally.
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And when he drafted
his proposal to fight systemic racism, named after the abolitionist Frederick Douglass and presented as the policy centerpiece of his White House run, he sought input from Fowler and others. Those conversations, Fowler said, included a diverse group ranging from union leaders to "people who could barely read" and people who had served time in prison.
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A community organizer, local business owner, and three pastors — including Michael Patton, the head of the local NAACP — joined the council members, McBride and White, among those who spoke for Buttigieg.
"Mayor Pete comes from a Midwestern community that's small," Patton, who stressed that his support for Buttigieg is independent of his role with the NAACP, told me. "His level of politics has not been at the level of a Joe Biden or a Bernie Sanders. So here's a young man who wants to run for president who now has to introduce himself to different cultures across the country. I think he's done a great job at that. I think he's got more to do." ●